December 2025
Newsletter
Justice in Mining Network
South Asia
Message
Johar!
As we conclude the year 2025, we do so without the comfort of closure. The calendar turns, but the crises that define our times continue—deepening, mutating, and revealing ever more clearly the structures of power that sustain injustice. The news that unfolds in this December issue reminds us that while governments speak the language of reform, sustainability, and development, the lived realities of Adivasi, Dalit, fisher, and working-class communities tell a far more troubling story. This is a year ending not with resolution, but with urgent warnings.
A central development this month is the Jharkhand Cabinet’s approval of the PESA Rules, presented as a long-awaited step toward strengthening Gram Sabhas and recognising Adivasi self-governance in Fifth Schedule areas. However, the mixed reactions from Adivasi organisations reveal a deeper concern: empowerment that is partial or diluted risks becoming another mechanism of dispossession. By withholding decisive authority over land acquisition and advancing urban local body elections without safeguarding customary institutions, the state threatens to hollow out the spirit of the PESA Act, 1996. As mining-driven urbanisation expands in districts such as Ranchi and East Singhbhum, demographic shifts further marginalise Adivasi voices. What is framed as decentralisation increasingly resembles administrative control in the language of reform.
Across regions, a consistent pattern is visible—the systematic dismantling of legal protections to facilitate corporate expansion. The crisis in Arjeepalli, Odisha, where the Adani-owned Gopalpur Port expansion has pushed a coastal village into a “war with the sea,” is emblematic. Environmental impact assessments dismiss severe erosion as insignificant, even as the shoreline disappears within months. Laws meant to protect people and ecosystems are repurposed to shield corporations, while the state deploys legal, police, and narrative power against communities that resist. The farmlands of the Adivasis of the Lanjhiberna of Sundargarh, Odisha have been excavated overnight by the Dalmia Cement Company.
This nexus between a crumbling legal system and corporate impunity becomes clearer in Gujarat, where forest land reserved for conservation under the Green Credit Programme was removed following state requests linked to Adani Group projects. Expert objections were overridden, rules bypassed, and official denials followed documented evidence. This is not an anomaly but the prevailing logic of contemporary environmental governance, where “green” initiatives legitimise deforestation and land transfer.
The pressure to fast-track destruction is now being institutionalised. Parliamentary recommendations to reduce the time required for forest and environmental clearances for coal projects portray public hearings and Gram Sabha consent as delays rather than safeguards. Proposals for online or hybrid consultations risk excluding communities with limited digital access, while existing reforms already permit large capacity expansions without fresh hearings. Allegations of a fake public hearing for Jindal Power Limited’s coal mine in Raigarh, Chhattisgarh, demonstrate how weakened procedures translate into secrecy, coercion, and fraud on the ground.
Judicial independence itself appears fragile in the face of corporate power. The transfer of a Rajasthan judge on the very day he ruled against an Adani-led firm sends a chilling message—that accountability is negotiable, and those who challenge powerful interests do so at personal and professional risk. This erosion of institutional integrity is inseparable from wider patterns of regulatory capture, political funding, and money laundering that define the Adani case across sectors.
Meanwhile, technology-driven governance is producing new forms of dispossession. In Andhra Pradesh, land digitisation—marketed as transparency reform—has enabled the silent erasure of Dalit and Adivasi land ownership through data manipulation and opaque systems. Families lose land, welfare access, and legal recognition without notice, forcing exhausting legal battles to reclaim their rights. Digitisation, rather than correcting historical injustice, has been deepening it.
At the same time, pollution is tightening its grip on everyday life. Toxic air, gas leaks, coal fires, and radioactive risks form a continuous public health emergency. The tragedy in Jharia’s Kenduadih, where gas leaks killed residents and forced unsafe relocations, exposes how environmental harm is used to coerce communities into abandoning land without just rehabilitation. Air pollution is not only a health crisis but a marker of inequality—the poorest breathe the most toxic air and bear the heaviest costs of a development model they did not choose.
Safeguards for Adivasis and other marginalised communities are steadily shrinking through legal dilution, administrative manipulation, technological exclusion, and corporate-political nexuses. Yet resistance persists. From coastal villages and forest hamlets to mining belts and riverbanks, communities continue to assert a fundamental truth: land, water, forests, and dignity are not commodities.
As we close this year, the challenges ahead are stark. But so is the clarity: justice in mining is inseparable from democracy, public health, and the survival of communities. The coming year demands vigilance, solidarity, and a renewed commitment to exposing the systems that normalise destruction in the name of development. We end 2025 not in despair, but in resolve—to continue documenting, resisting, and imagining a future rooted in justice.
Thank you.
Compiled by: Deepti Mary Minj
Edited by: Dr PM Antony
Jharkhand Cabinet approves PESA rules to empower Gram Sabhas, gets mixed reaction
The Jharkhand Cabinet on 24 December, 2025 approved the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA) rules, empowering Gram Sabhas with wider administrative and decision-making powers in Fifth Schedule areas—regions with a high tribal population—of the state. Under the approved rules, Gram Sabhas in rural areas will have authority over the use of minor forest produce, preparation of local area development plans, and management of water resources. The notification of the Panchayat [Extension to Scheduled Areas] (PESA) rules has paved the way for a new regime of local self-governance in Jharkhand, in at least 15 out of 24 districts of the state. Some of the Adivasi organisations are set to legally challenge the rules, citing the deviation from the PESA Act, 1996. The two key areas in which the Adivasi activists want the absolute powers to be vested in the gram sabhas are matters related to land acquisition and the formation of district councils with autonomy in operations. Land acquisition for mineral extraction, leading to the displacement of people, has been opposed by Adivasis for a long time. This resistance has been aligned with movements that are mobilised around identity. The second major point of contention is a call for elections to the urban local bodies in Scheduled areas, in accordance with the Jharkhand Municipal Act, 2011. The activists who oppose these elections rightly argue for constituting who oppose these elections rightly argue for constituting district councils and ensuring a proper representation of the custom-based and other local bodies in the respective districts. The expanding urbanisation of districts such as Ranchi and East Singhbhum is engulfing the rural areas and bringing more non-Adivasis within the urban scope, significantly altering the demography of these regions. Click here to read more. https://www.deccanherald.com/opinion/pesa-rules-autonomy-in-check-3854762
Dismantling Legal Protection
How Adani’s Port Expansion Has Pushed Arjeepalli into a War with the Sea
In Arjeepalli (or Aryapalli) in Odisha’s Ganjam district—very close to the Adani-owned Gopalpur Port, the village stands right on the beach, facing the sea. Between the people and the waves lies only a sand dune, four to five men high. That dune is the last barrier preventing the sea from entering the village. Without it, this village of nearly ten thousand people would already have been swallowed by the sea. Yet all this destruction is unfolding in the name of “national development,” a project largely benefiting industrial giants—chief among them, the Adani Group. Just two years ago, the sea was almost a kilometre away from Aryapalli, what the people were telling. Fishermen left their boats and nets on the wide stretch of beach. In just twenty-four months, the sea has consumed that kilometre and reached the village edge. Villagers say the reason for this rapid advance is the expansion of the Adani-owned Gopalpur Port. By constructing an extensive dyke in the ocean, Adani has altered the natural flow of waves. This change has brought imminent danger to Arjeepalli. During the public hearing on July 18, 2023, villagers made soil erosion their central concern. Yet the government’s assurances were misleading. The Environmental Impact Assessment prepared by VIMTA in September 2023 stated that “the impact of the project on soil quality will be less than significant.” Laws written in the name of protecting people end up shielding companies instead, giving legal sanction to destructive practices. The government backs corporations and threatens people who oppose them. This is exactly what is happening with Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone Limited (APSEZ). The BJP government, continuing the Congress-era policy, granted SEZ status to Adani’s port. After the company expanded and fortified the breakwater, the sea began advancing toward Arjeepalli at a frightening pace. Soon, it may reach the Kolkata–Chennai National Highway. Click here to read more. https://countercurrents.org/2025/12/how-adanis-port-expansion-has-pushed-arjeepalli-into-a-war-with-the-sea/
For Adani Group’s Projects, Gujarat Requested Centre to Remove Forests from Conservation Program. The Job Got Done.
The BJP-led Gujarat government asked the Union government to unlock many parcels of forest land that had been reserved for afforestation under the Green Credit Programme. It said the Adani group had ‘demanded’ four of these forest parcels for its projects. The Union government’s designated expert body overseeing the Green Credit Programme hesitated. It noted that allowing the deforestation of degraded forest parcels instead of earmarking them to make the forest denser and healthier under the green initiative was inherently "contradictory in nature." The Gujarat government subsequently submitted a revised justification. It informed the Union government in a fresh plea that no one wanted to plant forests on these and other patches, so they should all be removed from the programme the Modi government had launched with much fanfare in October 2023.
The Union government obliged. Bypassing its existing rules, it removed the four parcels totalling 63.44 hectares—originally requested for the Adani Group—along with several others from the Green Credit Programme. When The Reporters’ Collective mailed queries to the Gujarat government, it denied requesting the Union government to remove forest parcels for the Adani group. We shared a copy of their records, revealing that it had originally done so. We did not receive a response. Click here to read more. https://www.reporters-collective.in/trc/for-adani-gujarat-requested-centre-to-remove-forests-from-conservation
Parliament committee recommends reducing time for forest, environmental clearances for coal projects
Efforts must be made to reduce the average time it takes to accord forest and environmental clearances to coal blocks, the parliament’s standing committee on coal, mines and steel stated in their latest report tabled on 10 December. The public hearing stage is a mandatory prerequisite for both environmental and forest clearances. It allows local communities to air their probable concerns as well as for miners to ensure “transparency and accountability”. Whilst recognising the importance of consultations and mandatorily receiving clearance from Gram Sabha in protecting indigenous rights, the committee observed a delay with the same is most frequently cited as progressing to a further delay in receiving forest clearances. It noted the delays are primarily caused due to “complexities of coordination across multiple districts and management of local objections, aggravated by local elections or the need to align schedules of various authorities such as the Deputy Commissioner (DC) and the State Pollution Control Board.” the committee noted concerns about delay were also placed about “repeated or lengthy public hearings”. However, it observed, “This lengthy process has led to reforms allowing up to 50% expansion in production capacity without the requirement of a fresh public hearing.” The committee sought to propose streamlining the process by allowing hybrid modes of public consultation with online hearings. Click here to read more. https://www.thehindu.com/business/Industry/parliament-committee-recommends-reducing-time-for-forest-environmental-clearances-for-coal-projects/article70380726.ece
Villagers Allege Fake Public Hearing for JPL Proposed Coal Mine In Raigarh, Chhattisgarh
The ongoing public resistance against new coal mining projects in Chhattisgarh has been intensified on 8 December after the Raigarh District Administration was accused of conducting a "fake" public hearing to favor the proposed coal mine project of Jindal Power Limited (JPL). Thousands of residents from 14 villages in Raigarh's Tamnar block have been protesting for several days against JPL's proposed mine, enduring severe cold while gathered in the Dhaurabhantha area. Despite strong public opposition, reports indicate the administration managed to conduct a hearing at a location distant from the officially designated site. This clandestine move has created furore among the affected villagers, who have declared the entire exercise illegal and fraudulent. The situation at the protest site remains tense. Social activist Radheshyam Sharma alleged that the hearing was held secretly, including only a few Jindal company workers and contractors. He claimed that officials abruptly concluded the scheduled proceedings—which were meant to run until 5:00 PM—in just thirty minutes and fled the venue after villagers discovered the location. “The proceedings were done as per procedures; we are still awaiting the report. I will be able to comment only after reading it,” said Mayank Chaturvedi, District Collector, Raigarh. Click here to read more. https://www.freepressjournal.in/india/chhattisgarh-allegations-of-fraud-surface-as-raigarh-district-holds-controversial-jpl-coal-mine-hearing
On July 5, Jaipur commercial court judge Dinesh Kumar Gupta ruled that an Adani-led firm earned more than Rs 1,400 crore in transportation charges at the cost of a Rajasthan government-owned company. The same day, the state’s Bharatiya Janata Party government issued an order removing him from the post. Commercial court judges are appointed by state governments in concurrence with the High Court. The Rajasthan High Court followed up the same day by transferring Gupta to Beawar district, 200 km from the state capital. Two weeks later, the high court stayed Gupta’s order that imposed a Rs 50-lakh fine on the Adani-led firm and directed the Rajasthan government to request the Comptroller and Auditor General to audit the deal between the state and the conglomerate. In his judgement, Gupta noted that according to the contract, it was the responsibility of the Adani-led joint venture “to build, construct and develop the railway siding from mine head up to the nearest connecting railway line”.
Since it had failed to do so, the judgement said, the Adani-led venture should “have suffered at least the burden of road transportation charges for its own default”.
Instead, the court noted, the company had claimed transportation costs of more than Rs 1,400 crore and further sought to gain additional “profit by avoiding interest burden for such cost”. The High Court stayed Gupta’s order on July 18. Since then, hearings have continued in the matter. The next hearing is scheduled for the last week of January 2026.
Click here to read more. https://scroll.in/article/1089325/rajasthan-judge-who-ruled-against-adani-led-firm-transferred-the-same-day
What was meant to bring transparency has pushed marginalised farmers into crisis. Andhra Pradesh’s digital land records have allegedly enabled fraud and silent changes, wiping out Dalit and tribal ownership without consent, notice or accountability. Andhra Pradesh's land digitization, intended for transparency, has triggered a crisis where Dalit and tribal farmers are losing ancestral land ownership due to software glitches, data errors, and opaque systems, erasing their names from records, denying them welfare, and forcing costly legal fights to prove rights, highlighting how digital processes can deepen existing social inequalities. Issues include incorrect entries, data manipulation, and linking to schemes that exclude those without digital records, effectively dispossessing vulnerable communities.
Click here to watch. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g7OtvPxPW6E
Expansion of Mining
Adani Group will invest $75 billion in energy transition space over 5 years, announced company's chairman Gautam Adani on 9 December while speaking at IIT (ISM) Dhanbad's 100th-year celebration. "The company is on track to deliver the world's lowest-cost green electron", setting what he calls a global benchmark in energy transition. He said the group is building the world's largest renewable energy park at Khavda in Gujarat, spread across 520 square kilometres. At full capacity by 2030, the park will generate 30 GW of green energy, which he explains is enough to power more than 60 million Indian homes every year. Adani also announced two initiatives for the institute. The first is the Adani Annual Internships, offering 50 paid positions each year for third-year students. The second is the Adani 3S Mining Excellence Centre with TEXMiN, which he describes as an ecosystem combining technology, responsible mining, and innovation through tools such as metaverse labs, drones, seismic sensing, and precision blasting.
Click here to read more. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/company/corporate-trends/adani-group-to-invest-over-75-billion-in-energy-transition-space-over-5-years/articleshow/125864828.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst
In Rajgangpur, Sundargarh district, villagers expressed strong opposition to Dalmia Company’s land acquisition for limestone mining in Lanjiberna. The company has acquired 27 acres out of the total 244 acres in the first phase, part of a required 717-acre project. The acquisition affects Keshramal, Jhagarpur, Alanda, Kukuda, and Khatang panchayats, where locals have been protesting for a long time. Police arrived early in the morning and sealed all roads, preventing protests, which further fueled public discontent. The actions of Dalmia Cement Company and the police have drawn criticism across several forums.”
Click here to watch https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BY3ytLqd074
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| Village meeting discussing the concerns of land acquisition for compensatory afforestation | Photo credit: Anonymous |
Hindalco Industries Limited is planning to plant trees on 271 acres of land in Udajo, Noamundi block (Chaibasa) to compensate for deforestation and acquisition of approximately 2132.52 acres for Chakla Coal Project, in Chandwa block of Latehar. Hindalco has received government approval for compensatory afforestation (allegedly through the “land bank” passed in 2016 during the BJP government, that puts large tracts of community land under government ownership without public consultation for transfer to the private companies for industrial purposes). The villagers of Udajo, Noamundi are concerned that this will impact their livelihoods and grazing. They are protesting the allotment of land without the consent of the village council. Hindalco Industries Limited is working on a large- scale tree plantation (forest creation) plan in Udajo, Noamundi block. Villagers in Udajo say they have been cultivating and grazing their cattle on the land where the company is preparing to plant trees for years. They fear that if this land is closed, grazing space for their cattle will be reduced and their daily livelihoods will be affected. The villagers have clearly stated that giving land without the consent of the Gram Sabha is against the PESA Act. They say that if a village meeting has not been held, it would be a violation of the rules. The compensatory afforestation in Noamundi, approximately 280kilometres far from Chakla, raises another question of how the forest-dependent communities of Chakla will be compensated with the “compensatory afforestation” that is so far away from them. Both Noamundi and Chandwa are in the Fifth Scheduled Areas.
Click here to read more. https://www.jagran.com/jharkhand/west-singhbhum-hindalco-to-plant-trees-on-271-acres-near-udajo-villagers-fear-impact-40064626.html#google_vignette
The slogan "The monster of nuclear energy will destroy the Narmada region" reflects the potential environmental and social impacts of nuclear power plants, especially in a sensitive area like the Narmada River Valley, where there are large-scale dams and other projects under the Narmada Valley Development Project (NVDP), and this can be seen as a comparison or extension of the dangers of nuclear power (e.g. radioactive waste, risk of accidents) against those of large dams (e.g. opposition to the Sardar Sarovar Dam), which affect the ecology of the area and the lives of local communities. In the context of displacement and environmental damage caused by large dams (such as the NVDP), nuclear power projects are also considered to cause displacement and social upheaval. Nuclear power plants require large amounts of water, and their wastewater can heat rivers, harming aquatic life and ecosystems.
Click here to watch. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jyro_sioLPc
Communities at Risk
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| BCCL gas reading at a resident’s house (Express Photo) |
A suspected gas leak that killed two women in their sleep in Kenduadih of Jharkhand’s Jharia coalfields has sparked protests by residents. They have alleged that Bharat Coking Coal Limited (BCCL), which operates coal mines in the region, is deliberately allowing known safety risks to persist to force people out of the area for rehabilitation under the Jharia Master Plan. Over the past 10 days, Kenduadih residents have been living in danger amid nearly 2,000 ppm concentrations of a toxic gas, which officials have identified as carbon monoxide. The deaths of Priyanka Devi from New Dhauda colony and Lalita Devi of Rajput Basti have forced residents to leave their homes and move to relief camps arranged by Bharat Coking Coal Limited (BCCL) outside the colonies. The DC said around 1,200 families currently residing in Kenduadih are vulnerable to fire-affected spots and are eligible under the rehabilitation plan. “Under the master plan, nearly 16,000 housing units are being constructed in multiple phases at Belgarhia, of which about 3,700 flats are currently occupied, while construction is still ongoing,” he said.
On December 13, Kenduadih residents organised a massive mashaal rally after meeting the Chief Secretary. They alleged that BCCL is intentionally allowing people to die so that they are forced to move out of the area and relocate to Belgarhia township. The protesting residents said they would not leave the area, arguing that Belgarhia township is located 15-20 km away from the Kenduadih area, while their livelihoods are in Kenduadih. Residents have complained that Belgarhia remains underdeveloped.
Click here to read more. https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/kenduadih-gas-leak-relocation-efforts-10421486/
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| Displaced communities along the Damodar River are protesting a proposed floating solar project at Panchet Dam, demanding land, compensation, and justice decades after their villages were submerged and livelihoods destroyed (Photo credits: Maktoob) |
Panchet Dam is built across the Damodar River at Panchet, on the border of Jharkhand and West Bengal, near Dhanbad. Historically known for its devastating floods, the Damodar River earned the nickname “Sorrow of Bengal.” In 1948, to control floods, generate electricity, and support irrigation, the Damodar Valley Corporation (DVC) was established, inspired by the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) model in the USA. With tears in his eyes and a voice barely audible due to old age, Gorai tries to explain how he was abandoned by the authorities after his house and village were submerged during a devastating flood, leaving him and thousands of families homeless and landless. The acquisition of land for the Panchet Dam began in 1952. In 1959, the Panchet Dam was inaugurated. Sandhya Gorai, daughter of Ram Gorai, said her father also worked under the DVC, which had promised jobs to people displaced due to the dam’s construction. That promise, she said, largely remained unfulfilled, with only about one percent of the displaced receiving jobs. The family has two demands: compensation through land for what was lost, and an immediate halt to the solar project. “They have become millionaires on our land but have left us to beg. This is our land, and it is calling us back. That is why we are protesting,” Sandhya added.
The proposed solar project has reignited the protests, particularly among fishers who rely on the dam’s waters for their livelihoods. They allege that nearly 1,500 families would lose not only their livelihoods but also their primary source of affordable nutrition, solely due to the first phase of the project.
The protest is being led by various tribal organisations, including Bharat Jakat Majhi Pargana Mahal, the Damodar Valley Bastuhara Sangram Samiti (committee for the struggle of the displaced), the Bastuhara Matsyajibi Sangram Samiti (committee for the struggle of displaced fishers), and the Jami Raksha Committee (land protection committee).
In its 2022–23 annual report, the Damodar Valley Corporation stated that it had received approval from the Union Ministry of New and Renewable Energy to establish floating solar parks with a capacity of 989 MW at its dam reservoirs under the Ultra Mega Renewable Energy Power Parks Scheme. Subsequently, a joint venture company named Green Valley Renewable Energy Limited was formed, with 49 percent equity held by DVC and 51 percent by National Thermal Power Corporation Renewable Energy Ltd, a public sector undertaking. According to DVC’s 2023–24 annual report, Green Valley Renewable Energy Limited is implementing two solar PV parks with a cumulative capacity of 755 MW in and around the Tilaiya and Panchet dam reservoirs under the Ultra Mega Renewable Energy Power Parks scheme. Of this 755 MW, contracts for 310 MW under Phase I have already been awarded. These include awarding contracts to M/s Sterling & Wilson for a 155 MW floating solar photovoltaic project at Tilaiya, M/s L&T for a 75 MW floating solar PV project at Panchet, and M/s NGSL for an additional 80 MW at Panchet, comprising 30 MW of floating solar PV and 50 MW of ground-mounted projects.
Click here to read more. https://maktoobmedia.com/india/my-land-is-calling-me-displaced-villagers-protest-against-proposed-solar-plant-on-damodar-river/
In the first year after the Supreme Court quashed the government’s electoral bonds scheme, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM)’s declared donations in 2024–25 rose sharply, growing by 174% to Rs 33.2 crore from around Rs 12.1 crore in 2023-24. The surge in the JMM’s donations, largely due to contributions from corporates, came amid the November 2024 Jharkhand Assembly elections in which the incumbent party-led INDIA alliance returned to power by registering a resounding win. According to the JMM’s contribution details for 2024-25 submitted to the EC, 188 donors contributed a total of Rs 33.2 crore to the party led by Chief Minister Hemant Soren. Out of this, Rs 24.4 crore or about 74% came from corporate donors, while individual contributors accounted for Rs 6.7 crore or 20%. Among the significant contributions from individual donors were Rs 1.98 crore from Shiv Kumar Tiwari and Rs 99.7 lakh from Jai Mangal Singh. The JMM also received Rs 2 crore from the AB General Electoral Trust, which made up the remaining 6% of its total donations. In the previous financial year, nearly half of the JMM’s funding had come through electoral bonds. An analysis of donor locations shows that contributions came to the JMM from multiple states across the country, with Maharashtra accounting for the largest share of both corporate and individual donors. It was followed by West Bengal with Jharkhand ranking third with regard to the origin of funds. Sector wise, more than half of the total donations were made to the JMM by firms from the field of infrastructure and construction. These were followed by companies operating in steel and iron manufacturing, as well as mining and metals – sectors that have a significant presence in the economy of mineral-rich Jharkhand.
Click here to read more. https://indianexpress.com/article/political-pulse/jharkhand-election-year-jmm-funding-surge-vedanta-donor-list-10431863/?utm_source=whatsapp&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=WhatsappShare
Air pollution has become the most silent yet deadly public health crisis of our time. In cities and villages, invisible toxic particles suspended in the air, such as industrial smoke, vehicle emissions, ash from thermal power plants, and domestic fuel smoke, are taking a heavy toll on people's breathing. The most worrying fact is that people are falling ill without any noise. Its pain is neither immediately visible nor its impact felt, yet its ability to erode the body from within is extremely rapid. Today, the poison in the air is not just an environmental crisis, but a slow, ongoing assault on human health.
Addressing air pollution is no longer just an environmental necessity; it has become a public health emergency. Air pollution isn't just a health issue; it's also a reflection of social inequality. The most polluted air is breathed by those least responsible for it: poor families, roadside dwellers, communities near industrial areas, and working laborers. Respiratory diseases like asthma, COPD, coughs, and bronchitis are becoming common household complaints. Their impact on the heart and brain is even more devastating. Fine particles in the air dissolve into the bloodstream, increasing the risk of heart attack, high blood pressure, and stroke. Children are the hardest hit by air pollution. Their developing lungs cannot tolerate polluted air, leading to lifelong lung capacity loss.
Elderly people and pregnant women are also at high risk because their weakened immune systems are unable to effectively fight the tiny toxic particles in the air.
Click here to read more. https://www.counterview.net/2025/12/why-air-pollution-isnt-just-health.html
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